People For Schapelle Corby #Icare4innocentSchapelle


August 14, 2016 by socialaction2014

How rotten and self-serving is the Australian establishment? Try the following, fully documented, examples. These are rooted in the corrupt privatisation of Sydney airport to mega political donor Macquarie Bank [see this document:…/background-briefing-business-as-…]

To this day, the gutter media continues to fabricate, smear and censor. This is why most of the Australian public are completely oblivious, and the factual proof of serious systemic political criminality remains invisible and unreported. It is why Schapelle’s case is so pivotal to the moral compass of the nation, and fundamentally, why she continues to be illegally gagged.

On 27th May 2005, Schapelle Corby was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment, after 4.2kg of marijuana was found in her boogie-board bag on arrival in Denpasar. The disturbing nature of the trial itself created a huge public outcry in her native Australia. For her appeal, her lawyer sought help directly from the Australian government.

In a letter dated 5th July 2005, the CEO of Sydney Airport Corporation Ltd, Max Moore-Wilton, told Justice and Customs Minister, Christopher Ellison, that Schapelle Corby’s boogie-board bag was the only one not scanned at Sydney airport on route to Bali. Ellison wrote to AFP Commissioner Keelty the following day, 6th July 2005, conveying the same information. Both men realized how important this information was to Schapelle Corby, as she stood before an Indonesian appeal court. Indeed, Ellison even referred to its evidential importance directly in his letter. Keelty subsequently confirmed in writing that Prime Minister John Howard discussed this verbally with him, on 8th July 2005. All parties were also aware that scanning of all luggage, on all flights to Indonesia, was mandatory.

Furthermore, Schapelle Corby’s lawyer asked directly about scanning, in faxed letters to Ellison dated 6th July and 11th July, just days after Ellison and Keelty had discussed the importance of this new evidence. Ellison’s responses of 8th July and 13th July evaded the issue entirely.

Neither Schapelle Corby, nor the Bali court, was ever provided with this vital information. It was wilfully withheld.

In addition, Ellison had no intention of revealing the situation to Parliament. In a prepared response for the potential question “If asked whether the Australian Government is aware that Schapelle Corby’s boogie-board bag was not screened at Sydney Airport”, Ellison had pre-prepared the following evasive text: “The Australian Government is aware of comments about the screening of Ms Corby’s boogie-board bag at Sydney airport. Screening of checked baggage at the International Terminal at Sydney Airport is carried out by SACL. I understand SACL informed Ms Corby about this issue as early as October 2004. On 12th June 2005 the Minister for Justice and Customs wrote to Ms Corby’s lawyers suggesting they approach the operators of Sydney and Brisbane Airports regarding the handling of her luggage in Australia. I understand that SACL has had continued contact with Ms Corby’s lawyers about the handling of Ms Corby’s baggage. It is important to note that the screening for flights leaving Australia is undertaken for aviation security purposes. The screening process is not intended to detect drugs”.

[No politician has even acknowledged this extraordinary, and damning, sequence of correspondence, even though it is on record and readily available. The Australian media has never reported it]

On 8th October 2004, Schapelle Corby checked her bags in normally at Brisbane airport. There was no fuss, and no excess baggage charge.

Following her arrest in Bali, Schapelle Corby’s lawyers asked directly about the weight of her bags, seeking to establish if there were any anomalies that might indicate an addition of between 4kg and 5kg, which was the approximate weight of the marijuana.

Qantas replied on 1st December 2004, providing only the total weight of her bags. It was flagrantly economical with the truth.

The weight of her bags on the Qantas system was actually 5kg overweight, which should have incurred an excess baggage charge of $175. This was exactly, and self evidently, the sort of information which Schapelle Corby’s lawyers were desperately seeking.

Again, vital and critical evidence was withheld from Schapelle Corby, her lawyer, and the Bali court. Neither Qantas, nor Ellison’s department, which was co-coordinating responses, ever divulged it.

[No politician has even acknowledged this astonishing revelation, even though it remains on record and can be easily substantiated. Again, the Australian media has never reported it]

Christopher Ellison was at the heart of Schapelle Corby’s desperate efforts to secure forensic testing. In a bizarre sequence of events, the Indonesian National Police were very receptive to the general suggestion that the AFP should forensically test the marijuana. Ellison was personally informed of this by AFP briefing note 3286440.

Subsequently, Keelty visited his counterpart in Bali. However, according to the Indonesian police, no specific request for testing was forthcoming. This was also confirmed by a DFAT briefing note dated 21st December 2004.

Further, Parliament was told directly that the AFP did not have the expertise to test the marijuana, even though it had originally offered this to assist the INP, and even though a forensic expert in Australia had offered to perform the tests (again, on record). Alarmingly, Parliament was also told that the INP had rejected the request. Both these stories were entirely false.

Schapelle Corby openly pleaded for the forensic testing of her bag, and particularly, the marijuana found within. Her lawyers wrote to the Australian government, detailing a list of the specific tests required (letter dated 3rd December 2004). She directly asked the Australian consulate (consulate file note dated 4th December 2004). She asked the court repeatedly, as also recorded by DFAT file notes of February and March 2005. She pleaded with the prosecutor directly in front of the media.

However, on 24th May 2006, in a letter to a constituent, whilst inexcusably defending the burning of the primary evidence by the Indonesians, Ellison stated that, “The Bali court, on its own authority, or upon application by Ms Corby, could also authorise a request for forensic assistance. No such request was made, either by the Indonesian authorities or by Ms Corby.”

Ellison was well aware that Schapelle Corby did make such a request, repeatedly. His statement was totally and utterly false.

[No politician has even acknowledged this, even though his central role in the marijuana testing affair can easily be substantiated. Again, the Australian media has never reported it]

On 23rd August 2005, Schapelle Corby’s Indonesian lawyer wrote a formal letter to Ellison, Downer and Howard, stating directly that her 20-year sentence was discriminatory in nature. He cited examples of Indonesians receiving a fraction of that time, including for offences involving hundreds of kilograms of marijuana.

The letter was not even acknowledged. Indeed, the Australian government continued to present the sentence as though it was wholly within normal parameters, and equally, continued to dismiss the clear and documented abuses at the trial itself. Numerous direct comments, by Foreign Minister Alexander Downer in particular, are on public record.

In 2012, Indonesian human rights campaigner, Arifin Wardiyanto, undertook a significant research effort, identifying dozens of marijuana-related cases via examination of the Supreme Court database.

He tabulated these and demonstrated that Schapelle Corby’s sentence far exceeded that of all Indonesians, not only convicted for similar amounts, but many times greater. Her sentence was at least 4x higher per kilogram of marijuana than that imposed on any Indonesian. All this information was sent to the Australian government. It was ignored.

[No politician has even acknowledged this, or any of the other discriminatory abuses perpetrated against Schapelle Corby, and the Australian media has never reported it]

Ellison, in fact, was also at the heart of an entire series of disturbing events, all of which were extremely damaging to Schapelle Corby and her family. The three examples below were selected from many:

1) The PowderGate affair unfolded on 1st June 2005, directly after the verdict and unprecedented 20-year sentence. In a nutshell, flour was sent to the Indonesian embassy in Sydney with a note written in Bahasa which bore no reference at all to Schapelle Corby. Immediately, the government accused supporters of Schapelle Corby of a “murderous attack”, instantly dampening public anger and support for her. However, at 6:35pm on the same day, the AFP’s national manager of intelligence sent an email to Ellison. This was marked URGENT. It was very clear. It explained in simple terms that the substance was only gram bacilli, a commonly occurring bacteria. What did Ellison do, armed with the information that this was merely one of many white-powder hoaxes, which occurred in Australia each month? Nothing. The false story was allowed to roll around the world, and syndication continued across Australia for days.

2) After the original trial, two Australian QC’s were pressed upon the Corby family by the government, in time for the appeal. Whilst it was difficult to understand how two non-Indonesian speaking lawyers could actually provide practical assistance, government ministers were forceful, with the media repeatedly citing it as significant “help”, pressuring the family further. In the middle of the appeal, one of them, Mark Trowell, fatally undermined her prospects when he made a series of unsubstantiated allegations against her defence team, accusing them of seeking funds for bribes. He offered no evidence whatsoever, even though he and the Australian government must have been well aware that this was, in fact, the modus operandi in that nation. Mark Trowell, on oath, later stated that he was working for the Australian government all along. He was a Liberal Party member, and long term friend and colleague of, Ellison.

3) Schapelle Corby needed every cent of revenue from her book, “My Story”. This was intended to pay for medication, food, and for an extra-ordinary legal appeal. On 8th November 2006, the AFP began a large-scale investigation and extensive surveillance operation, reporting to the Minister of Justice and Customs, Ellison. The outcome was a politically driven ‘proceeds of crime’ case, which many consider to have subverted the judiciary itself. It was held in secret, with Schapelle Corby having no representation whatsoever. Indeed, she wasn’t even aware of it, nor was any other Corby family member. It also extended Australian legal reach beyond Australian borders. The money was duly seized. Even worse, this occurred whilst Schapelle Corby was still in legal-process in Indonesia. The signal to Jakarta, that she was considered, by Canberra, to have committed a crime, could hardly have been mistaken. Schapelle Corby remains the only person in Australian history to have had book revenue seized under ‘proceeds of crime’ legislation.

These represent just a handful of examples from many, most of which are fully documented on The Expendable Project’s website.

[Whilst Ellison’s conduct has been repeatedly drawn to the attention of government and politicians, including through the formal submission of a Crime Report, no comment has ever been forthcoming. The Australian media has never reported this pattern of events, the existence of the Crime Report, or the large cache of primary data published by The Expendable Project]

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